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<text id=93HT1054>
<link 93HT1325>
<link 93HT1078>
<link 93HT1075>
<title>
60 Election: The Republicans:The Mourning After
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1960 Election
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
November 21, 1960
REPUBLICANS
The Mourning After
</hdr>
<body>
<p> Clearly shaping up in the G.O.P.'s grey mourning after was
a three-cornered battle for party power. The combatants: Vice
President Richard Nixon, New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller,
Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater.
</p>
<p> Goldwater Prospects. Far-out Conservative Barry Goldwater,
who had campaigned faithfully for Nixon through the South, was
the first to throw down the gauntlet. Said he hours after
Nixon's defeat: "I want to figure in 1964--not necessarily as
the top candidate. But I don't want Rockefeller in that spot."
He tended to write off Nixon as an unemployed politician,
figured that Nixon's defeat only strengthened Goldwater: "It's
just what I've been saying. We cannot win as a dime-store copy
of the opposition's platform. We offered voters insufficient
choice with a me-too candidate. We must be different. My guess
is that 80% of the state chairmen, the precinct committeemen,
the workers think it is true. Everyone recognizes it except the
party leadership."
</p>
<p> Goldwater can count many allies, including G.O.P. state
and county chairmen across the conservative South, the
Southwest, and the Midwest from the Mississippi to the Rockies.
Though he is weaker in the big-vote industrial states, his
supporters make up in zeal for whatever they lack in numbers.
During the campaign Goldwater became one of the G.O.P.'s most
sought-after speakers, and many congressional candidates billed
themselves as Goldwater Republicans. Most of the 23 new G.O.P
Congressmen are conservatives--a fact that will help
Goldwater. "If the Southern Democrats stay in coalition with
us," he says, "we'll be even more conservative in action than
we were in the last two Congresses."
</p>
<p> Rockefeller Problems. If many key Republicans were piqued
at Goldwater for blasting Nixon, even more were angered at
Rockefeller for failing to turn the tide in make-or-break New
York, where a 1956 Eisenhower plurality of 1,600,000 votes ebbed
to a 1960 Nixon deficit of 400,000. "There is a feeling that the
best effort was not put out here," said a top New York
Republican who is no friend of Rockefeller's. "Nelson will have
one helluva time getting re-elected Governor in 1962." The
Rockefeller rebuttal: he had given 400 enthusiastic speeches for
Nixon, campaigning so hard that he turned ashen with fatigue.
Nixon himself held no grudges, believed that Rocky had gone all
the way for him--at least after the famous Treaty of Fifth
Avenue and the nominating convention.
</p>
<p> Still the impression grew that Rockefeller, with an eye to
1964, had been campaigning as much for himself as for Nixon.
His job was to woo independents, and he produced precious few.
In September he rejected the Eisenhower-Nixon old-age
medical-care plan and plumped for Kennedy's social
security-based system. When asked in Geneva, N.Y. if he agreed
with Nixon that U.S. prestige was at an alltime high--a key
point in the debate with Kennedy--Rockefeller said: "I
wouldn't make such a flat statement." When asked in New York
City why he was not the candidate, Rocky said: "I figured that
those who are in control of the convention had their minds made
up already."
</p>
<p> But Nixon's defeat has emboldened Rockefeller partisans,
particularly in the industrial and Western states. Says San
Francisco's William Brinton, a dogged Rockefeller-for-President
leader in Nixon's home state: "Rockefeller can win in just
those areas that Nixon lost--the big cities." Rockefeller's
own problem now is to rebuild and reunite the New York
organization, win over its Old Guardists (who had blocked much
of his liberal program in the legislature). If he were to win
big in 1962 Rockefeller might look very good indeed.
</p>
<p> Nixon Choices. For the here and now, Dick Nixon is still
very much the titular head of the G.O.P. With Dwight Eisenhower
disqualified by age and inclination, middle-roading Nixon is the
natural bridge between the left and right banks of his party.
He intends to play the part forcefully. Said a top Nixon aide:
"Dick will not permit a vacuum of leadership to develop for
someone else to fill."
</p>
<p> Nixon's problem is finding a political base from which to
operate. He occupies neither a Senate seat nor a statehouse.
Last week, after accepting his biggest disappointment manfully,
Nixon flew off to Florida to soak up several weeks of sun and
to make one of the toughest decisions of his career: what to do
next. He was besieged by many private job offers. Which one he
accepted would probably indicate his future political ambitions.
</p>
<p> A university presidency would pay relatively little but
give him prestige (as it did for General Eisenhower at
Columbia), and a platform for Olympian comment on public
affairs. Most frequently mentioned possibility: the University
of Chicago, which is now casting around for a permanent
chancellor.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>